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		<title>Is there Hope for Equal Political Representation?</title>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.thebahraindebate.com/?p=128</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Since the introduction of the National Action Charter ‘Al-Meethaq’ in 2002, women and men have equal political rights in Bahrain, giving both the right to vote and actively participate in politics. However, female presence in politics is considerably low. In this series we will address the issue of low political presence in Bahrain by dividing ...]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Since the introduction of the National Action Charter ‘Al-Meethaq’ in 2002, women and men have equal political rights in Bahrain, giving both the right to vote and actively participate in politics. However, female presence in politics is considerably low. In this series we will address the issue of low political presence in Bahrain by dividing the problem into three articles. In “Bahraini Politics: Where Are The Women?”, we will look at the political background in Bahrain and the statistics of women serving in higher positions, as well as compare the country to other Gulf States. In the second part “The Bahraini Society: Challenging Women&#8217;s Political Presence” we explain how the male dominant society, religious influences and lack of endorsements by political societies cause women to experience pressure to withdraw from elections or stay away from the political scene, but also to feel hesitant towards participating to begin with. In “Is There Hope For Equal Political Representation?” we show how the popular uprising in 2011, has put women’s rights on a back shelf, and the challenges for both men and women have become more similar and equal, leading to an unclear future for women in politics in Bahrain. Experts and female activists propose some solutions that could gradually improve women’s political presence in Bahrain.</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><strong>Is there Hope for Equal Political Representation? </strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> Bahrain has already been suffering from political corruption prior to the popular uprising in 2011. When it comes to elections, the government favored individuals loyal to them and helped maximize their chances by simply endorsing them in comparison with government opponents.  Latifa Al Qaoud is one of the first two women to ever run for elections. She ran in 2002 in the Southern governante, the same district Mariam Al-Rowaie ran for in the following years.  Al Qaoud was named a <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.academia.edu/727107/Politics_and_Gender_Advancing_Female_Political_Participation_in_the_Kingdom_of_Bahrain">strong candidate</a></span> partly because the King’s wife, Sheikha Sabika, publicly expressed her desire to include women in the government. Despite her chances in 2002, she lost to the same religious cleric Jassim Al-Saeedi who went up against Mariam Al-Rowaie in 2006 and 2010. After her loss in 2002, Al Qaoud ran again in 2006 representing a different district, and won. This could be considered a small victory for female politicians, however it must be noted her two opponents had dropped out before the election date, making her the only candidate. The district she ran for was Hawar, an isolated uninhabited island. In 2010 she won again in the same district, but had no competitors during the entire campaign period. Mariam Al-Rowaie, who lost in both 2006 and 2010 elections says Al Qaoud’s breakthrough was a result of the government&#8217;s endorsement, which advised her to run in an unpopulated area. Having an expert advice that guides a candidate to maximize their winning opportunities is beneficial, but only few are privileged enough.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>A Side Track to Equality</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">“Before the uprising, one of the challenges for women compared to men was the social barrier. There was always the social stigma or mindset against women. Even if they [men in the society] say they are for equal opportunities, deep inside their heads &#8211; and we could feel this in their articles, speeches, election campaigns and discourse of religious clerics &#8211; they are not,” explains board member and Deputy Secretary General of National Democratic Action Society (WAAD) Farida Ghulam.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> But Bahrain hit a turning point in political development and human rights when it witnessed a popular uprising calling for more freedoms and political reforms. Tensions between opposition and the government started in<span style="text-decoration: underline;"> <a href="http://www.bahrainrights.org/en/node/3238">August 2010</a></span>, and escalated to a popular uprising in February 2011. Since then, the line between genders have slowly blurred, and the gap between men and women started shrinking until they were almost equally bad.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> Women played a significant role in Bahrain’s uprising, standing in the front lines besides the men to demand political and civil rights. The events of the uprising changed the social reality in Bahrain, placing the challenges women had been facing up until the uprising on the shelve. The focus shifted towards addressing shared grievances including human rights violations, political corruption and social divisions. Women’s participation forced a wider acceptance by religious leaders and political societies. They have earned their spot in the society, gaining the support they lacked, and the acknowledgment they missed. However, rising up to being an equal partner in the struggle brought new challenges.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> When Muneera Fakhro,  Vice President of WAAD, ran for elections in October 2010, her campaign banners were <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.aldemokrati.org/details.php?artid=2402">taken down</a></span> from the streets. The banners said “The mother land is a responsibility, enough corruption” reflecting WAAD’s mission to combat financial and administrative corruption. The municipality responsible for that area informed Fakhro it had received orders from high authorities to remove the banners.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> Fakhro says, “now it’s not a matter of gender, it depends on what kind of men or women.” Four year since the uprising, she says the main challenge right now has more to do with whether an individual is a member of the opposition or a government loyalist. Opportunities and chances are presented to those who support the government.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> Wajeeha Al-Baharna, president of the Bahrain Women&#8217;s Association, notes one of the uprising’s dangerous products is the spread of sectarianism. Sectarianism is an agonizing split between the two main Islamic sects in Bahrain, the Sunnis and the Shiites. In a country where the majority of its population are Shiites ruled by a Sunni royal family, most of them are considered to be anti-government, while most of Sunnis are considered to be government loyalists, of course with some exceptions. “Even women themselves, due to this dispute and sectarian tensions, they are not on the same page anymore. Women are divided. Things have been infected by sectarian disease, and this affects our work on women issues,” Al-Baharna admits.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> A <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://vc.bridgew.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1002&amp;context=jiws">study</a></span> in 2012 on the uprising by Magdalena Karolak echoes the notion of social divisions and splits, and she categorizes people -including women-  into pro and anti government groups. She also explained it is difficult to predict how permanent any of the changes are, until they’re tested on the ground after serious political changes take place, leaving the future of women in Bahrain unclear. Karolak claims even though women played a major part in the uprising backing up the democratic movement, they might “find themselves marginalized after the political changes have taken place.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Need For Policies:</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The Supreme Council for Women is an official governmental body whose <a href="http://www.scw.gov.bh/page.aspx?page_key=mission_vesion_eng&amp;lang=en">mission</a> is “to empower Bahraini women and integrate their needs in development to ensure the sustainability of her family stability and familial bond.” Fakhro, who is also one of the founders of the council says although it was a promising initiative for women in Bahrain, the council’s role has become weak. It is technically an extended branch of the government headed by the King’s wife. This makes it exclusive to women preferred and hand picked by the government, and limiting its services to a small group of the society. “It doesn’t harm women, but it doesn’t change anything either. The women in the council will never criticize the government. They’re just an appealing body for the western part of the world to show that our government is modern,” says Fakhro.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> However Al-Rowaie thinks the government holds a larger responsibility to craft policies into active laws. “The society will then gradually accept it, because it serves as a credit policy that can be gradually implemented without pausing the process or go backwards,” she says.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> <strong>Absence of a Quota System</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The responsibility doesn’t fall merely on the government’s shoulders, empowering women in civil society is rather a shared responsibility. Women rights activists in Bahrain have been <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.gulf-daily-news.com/source/XXXIII/203/pdf/PAGE05.pdf">calling</a></span> for the United Nations <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://beijing20.unwomen.org/~/media/headquarters/attachments/sections/csw/pfa_e_final_web.pdf">recommendation</a></span> that were adopted at the conference on Women in Beijing, to be implemented and that includes the quota system.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> There are <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.quotaproject.org/aboutQuotas.cfm">three types of gender quota</a>s</span>, two are on the constitutional level which are “reserved seats” and “legal candidate quotas”. While the first sets aside a specific number of seats in the parliament for women, the latter sets a minimum for women’s representation. The third type is a voluntary measure endorsed by political parties to set a minimum for the share of women on the candidate lists. Al-Baharna, whose association, along with other women’s associations, support the quota system says she is surprised despite calls for democracy and gender equality, some political societies don’t take the initiative to implement these measure. Political societies, being the gatekeepers to gender balance in political decision making, play a crucial role. “This is a contradiction, they should review their policy and show more support for women. Its an embedded culture, the men are dominating in these positions, not only in political societies. Their ideas are not reflected on the ground,” Al-Baharna elaborates.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> The quota system however raises some concerns to one of the most liberal groups in Bahrain, which did not adopt the quota system. Farida Ghulam of WAAD says there was a split within the group. Some women within the group opposed the idea claiming there is no need to make it a law, instead just work to increase the percentage to half, in alliances with the UN’s recommendation.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> But that’s not the only concern, implementing the quota system may do more harm than good says Ghulam, explaining it might pave the way for unqualified candidates to reach the top, and reflect a negative image of women. “We don’t want to vote for women just based on their gender. We want to vote for a person who shares our political interests and goals, whether it is a man or a woman.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">However Al-Baharna refutes this argument claiming there are many qualified women not only in WAAD, but in the entire civil society who could fill these seats. Meanwhile, Mariam Al-Rowaie, who is also the former president of Bahrain Women Union, has an in-between opinion on this measure. She says the quota system is only a tool, and a temporary measure that could help Bahrain take baby steps towards gender equality in politics, but it should not be the only way.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Getting to The Root of The Problem</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Bahrain Women&#8217;s Association works from within, adopting an inside-out approach to tackle what they believe are the main causes for women’s issues. Women empowerment lies in working on the “roots rather than the symptoms” says Al-Baharna. To have a long term effect on how women see themselves, the association focuses on following a proactive approach rather than fixing the problem later. It starts with the way children are brought up and the ideas and practices they get accustomed to. It’s a problem, she explains, if children open their eyes and realize there is discrimination against women and mothers don’t do anything about it.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">“We try to educate women and change their paradigm. Instead of listing their rights, we start with self-esteem and help them build their leadership skills, so they start appreciating themselves and don’t feel inferior.” This method, she believes, strengthens women’s confidence, and prepares them to participate and stand strong against all symptoms. Al-Baharna explains “If the woman believes in herself she will be ready in politics.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>There is Hope</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Given that Bahrain is <a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/blog/2015/06/24/bahraini-politics-where-are-the-women/">known</a> for its economic growth and women&#8217;s’ active role in that field,</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">the paradox of women being active in the economic sector but not so much in politics is not necessary a bad sign. Former member of Parliament of Alwefaq National Islamic Society Matar Matar concludes that productivity of women in the economic sector is almost equal to that of men’s, and in other sectors women are more productive.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">“This economic contribution will automatically have its impact on the nature of this male dominant mindset. This is what makes me optimistic, we will see more representation of women in public affairs,” he says.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"> Although the 2011 uprising in Bahrain is slowing down the political development and empowerment of women, putting the future on an unpredictable shaky path, hope is still there. When asked about the future of women’s political presence, Al-Baharna took a deep sigh and a moment of silence. “It’s painful to think of the answer, if you had asked me this question in 2010 I would have said it’s a great future.” However she believes Bahrain is unique because of the hardships people go through that is bound to shape the country’s future. “I saw many women from  some  GCC countries, and asked them, ‘why don’t you demand your right for political participation?’ They ask me ‘why should we?’. The way I see it,  money takes over rights.” She explains that Bahrain does not have an oil boom, and the society is not very wealthy. Such conditions make the people more independent and persistent  to overcome obstacles and  gain their human rights. That serves as an advantage rather than a disadvantage, Al-Bahrana concludes:</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>“Challenges create opportunities. Unless we have challenges, we will not develop.”</strong></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><em><a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n.jpg"><img class="  wp-image-56 alignleft" src="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n-300x300.jpg" alt="10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n" width="118" height="118" /></a></em></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><em>Faten Bushehri is a Bahraini freelance journalist and rights advocate. <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://globalvoicesonline.org" target="_blank">Global Voices</a></span> contributor and <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://globalvoices.checkdesk.org" target="_blank">GV Check Desk</a></span> editor. Current MA student in media and politics. She tweets at <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="https://twitter.com/Fatenhbu" target="_blank">@Fatenhbu</a></span>.</em></p>
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<p><em><a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/11328968_868673433198767_803920770_n-e1435158418214.jpg"><img class="  wp-image-57  alignleft" src="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/11328968_868673433198767_803920770_n-e1435158418214-271x300.jpg" alt="" width="118" height="131" /></a></em></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><em>Anne Koopman is a Dutch Freelance Journalist, currently pursuing MA in Journalism, Media and Globalisation with focus on media and politics. She tweets at <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="https://twitter.com/koopman_anne" target="_blank">@koopman_anne</a></span>.</em></p>
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<p><em><strong>The views expressed in this article are the author&#8217;s own and do not reflect that of the Bahrain Debate&#8217;s organising body. </strong></em></p>
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		<title>The Bahraini Society: Challenging Women’s Political Presence</title>
		<link>http://www.thebahraindebate.com/blog/2015/07/02/the-bahraini-society-challenging-womens-political-presence/</link>
		<comments>http://www.thebahraindebate.com/blog/2015/07/02/the-bahraini-society-challenging-womens-political-presence/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 02 Jul 2015 12:21:28 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[The Bahrain Debate]]></dc:creator>
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		<category><![CDATA[Gender gap]]></category>
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		<category><![CDATA[Male Dominance]]></category>
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		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.thebahraindebate.com/?p=115</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Since the introduction of the National Action Charter ‘Al-Meethaq’ in 2002, women and men have equal political rights in Bahrain, giving both the right to vote and actively participate in politics. However, female presence in politics is considerably low. In this series we will address the issue of low political presence in Bahrain by dividing ...]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><strong>Since the introduction of the National Action Charter ‘Al-Meethaq’ in 2002, women and men have equal political rights in Bahrain, giving both the right to vote and actively participate in politics. However, female presence in politics is considerably low. In this series we will address the issue of low political presence in Bahrain by dividing the problem into three articles. In “Bahraini Politics: Where Are The Women?”, we will look at the political background in Bahrain and the statistics of women serving in higher positions, as well as compare the country to other Gulf States. In the second part “The Bahraini Society: Challenging Women&#8217;s Political Presence” we explain how the male dominant society, religious influences and lack of endorsements by political societies cause women to experience pressure to withdraw from elections or stay away from the political scene, but also to feel hesitant towards participating to begin with. In “Is There Hope For Equal Political Representation?” we show how the popular uprising in 2011, has put women’s rights on a back shelf, and the challenges for both men and women have become more similar and equal, leading to an unclear future for women in politics in Bahrain. Experts and female activists propose some solutions that could gradually improve women’s political presence in Bahrain.</strong></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p style="text-align: center;"><strong>The Bahraini Society: Challenging Women&#8217;s Political Presence</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Women’s role in the political scene in Bahrain is not as widespread as one would expect it to be. Statistics<span style="text-decoration: underline;"> <a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/blog/2015/06/24/bahraini-politics-where-are-the-women/">suggest</a> </span>despite government laws being in favor of women’s participation in politics, the number is still considerably low. The changes modernization has brought to the region conflict with the traditional values and social behaviors the area had deeply rooted. The process of modernization moving towards the Middle East and the region, created artificial societies with a modern surface, without solving modern dilemmas.<a href="#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1"><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Although the laws for political involvement in Bahrain open the doors for women, the way to reach leading positions is considered much more difficult for women than for men. President of the Bahrain Women&#8217;s Association Wajeeha Al-Baharna refers to these female specific challenges as the “triangle of oppression against women,” which she argues include politicians, religious figures, and social norms and traditions. We further explain these angles in three main causes: Bahrain’s male dominated society, religious influences and political societies’ lack of endorsement for women.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Male Dominance</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A couple of days after the elections in 2006, Mariam Al-Rowaie asked a female friend about the candidate she voted for. The woman confessed she voted for her male opponent Jassim Al-Saeedi, explaining she was pressured by her eldest son. She told Al-Rowaie “My son told us, ‘They want us to let a woman speak in our name? That’s the end of times.’ My family and I didn’t have a choice, we couldn’t break his word.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Despite the open minded and socially advanced reputation Bahrain enjoys, the mindset of male dominance is an embedded culture and strongly present in the upbringing. Al-Rowaie’s conversation with the woman shows how members of the society not only are against females being in leading positions, but also how women can sometimes place themselves in the passenger seat, as followers rather than leaders.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Nada Alwadi, an independent Bahraini journalist and researcher on women’s issues in Bahrain, says this is especially evident in rural areas and villages. “I see these people respect women, because they see them everywhere in society. However, Even though they feel women can play an important leading role, they will never vote for them and always prefer a man.” With men in leading positions, women have different roles, Al-wadi explains. “It is expected of women to be stay-home mothers, raise and take care of the children. They argue, when is she even going to have time to participate in politics?”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">A <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.academia.edu/727107/Politics_and_Gender_Advancing_Female_P%20olitical_Participation_in_the_Kingdom_of_Bahrain">study</a></span> by Magdalena Karolak from the New York Institute of Technology shows this environment makes some women resistant to jump into politics. Some women already have little interest in taking part in politics, and the lack of support by society isn’t exactly encouraging.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">To top it off, networking has become a privilege more for men than women. Political gatherings and discussions are mostly held at night, when male guardians restrict their women from leaving the house at a later hour.  Other gatherings take place at mosques, where men and women are segregated. Al-Rowaie explains how her opponent, being an influential religious figure, used his mosque to preach and ask for votes. “These platforms are available for men all year round and not only during that one month before casting the ballot. Women don’t have these platforms which limits their chances.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Religious influences</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">In an attempt to gauge public reactions to her campaign’s events and speeches, Al-Rowaie assigned some of her staff members to monitor conversations taking place where people gather, usually in a traditional café, ‘Gahwa’.  A monitor reported back an exchange between men who attended one of her speeches and men who didn’t. The conversation revolved around whether she was dressed appropriately, or wore her headscarf ‘Hijab’ properly, rather than discussing the political agenda and policies she put forward to serve her community.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The<span style="text-decoration: underline;"> <a href="http://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2014/509985/IPOL_STU%282014%29509985_EN.pdf">European Parliament</a></span> considers Bahrain one of the most liberal countries in the GCC in terms of interpreting and applying Islam. It acknowledges the government’s steps towards political reform in the early 90s has scaled down the influence of religion in the society. Women alongside men had access to education, and were active in the civil society.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Even though Bahrain is not a country where religion is sacredly practiced, politics and religion can not be seen separate from each other. In Bahrain, like other countries in the region, political ideas and programs are guided by Islam. That is also reflected in the dynamics of the society. The difficulty to separate religion from politics often gives religious figures political powers. Opposition groups Alwefaq National Islamic Society and government supporting group Al-Menbar Islamic Society are examples of political societies that are also Islamic. A dilemma which creates a blurred line between religion, social norms, and politics, where they all blend together and guide what has long been accepted as traditional practices.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Karolaks <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://www.academia.edu/727107/Politics_and_Gender_Advancing_Female_P%20olitical_Participation_in_the_Kingdom_of_Bahrain">study</a></span> also shows that in Bahrain, religion is not holding women back from making it to leading positions in politics, it is how religion is used as a tool to persuade the people.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Al-Rowaie confirms Karolaks study but disagrees with the EU notion of liberal Islam in Bahrain, “It is not the religion itself, it’s the misinterpretation of Islam, and political islamic societies’ use of religion to serve their political agendas.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">The imposition of this misinterpretation affects the way women see themselves and the idea they have of what their role should be in the society. Men, supported by religion and religious figures who are also male, use religion to their own benefit. They take advantage of some women’s lack of awareness of their rights and manipulate these interpretations to add to their oppression. This results in creating a self-image in women’s minds that reflects men’s degrading view of women’s role in the Bahraini society. <a href="#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2"><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Educated and more liberal women have troubles accepting this traditional vision of a woman’s role in the society, and seek to find a balance between modernity and traditions.<sup>3</sup></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Prominent female figure and Vice President of leftist opposition group National Democratic Action Society (WAAD) Muneera Fakhro faced a tremendous amount of pressure from her religious male opponents during 2006 elections. Members of Islamic societies tried to taint her reputation by calling her a communist and saying she drinks alcohol, a forbidden practice in Islam, to spur people away from voting for her. Despite Fakhro’s belief she was not targeted for being a woman, but because she is a member of a leftist secular group, religious figures referred to texts from the Qura’an and the Hadith and used them to lobby against women specifically, her included. Recurring ones were: “A woman’s voice is a sin”, and “A nation will not succeed if they are led by a woman.”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">During the elections in 2006 and 2010, some of these parties reportedly put together a list of the most deserving candidates based on their level of faith called “Kutlat Al Eman” literally translates to the “Bloc of Believers”. In their campaigns they urged their followers to vote telling them it’s a religious duty to support these candidates.</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Current member of the Nuwab, Jameela Al-Sammak, told <span style="text-decoration: underline;"><a href="http://gulfnews.com/news/gulf/bahrain/female-hopefuls-counter-traditional-roles-1.266977">Gulf News</a> </span>in 2006 when she ran for elections as an independent candidate: “I have never opposed religious scholars. But when for instance they say that Al Wefaq is the Bloc of the Believers, does that make me an atheist?”</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">We contacted Al Sammak for further input but she did not want to participate in this article. Our attempts to include other government responses were unsuccessful after having contacted several parliament members, but they were not available to comment.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">While there is a large population of educated enlightened women, Al-Rowaie thinks some, especially those who attend religious gatherings and seminars, fall victims to these traditional ideas about women. Some women even go as far as advising other women to remain absent from the political scene, she says.</p>
<p><strong>Political endorsement</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">With social norms and the use of religion driving the decision-making process in some political societies, the result is a considerably low level of political endorsement of women. That is, lack of support and encouragement to include female candidates within political societies’ bodies as representatives in governmental entities.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Al-Wadi says she personally remembers asking Alwefaq’s Secretary General Ali Salman why they had no women running for elections “and his answer was always, ‘well we respect women, they are very important in our society. We want them to lead, but we feel this is not the right time’.”</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Former member of parliament for Alwefaq Matar Matar admits women empowerment was not a priority for his society as much as serving the political agenda. “It was not a target to have women as representatives,” he explains. While there was no VETO against women in Alwefaq, there were no active attempts to include them in the list of candidates, which affects the number of female politicians. “I don’t feel you can see a good representation for women without having explicit policy,” he says.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Matar’s colleague Afaf Al-Jamri, an active member of Alwefaq is popular amongst other female activists in Bahrain for being a qualified potential candidate. They claim she wanted to run for elections but Alwefaq stood in her way. Al-Jamri however refutes these claims saying her decision not to run for elections was a personal one, and assured the situation within the Islamic party is changing. She claims religious restrictions are slowly melting away and opening new horizons for future female candidates within Alwefaq.</p>
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<p><strong>What The Bahraini People Think</strong></p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">We surveyed 50 Bahrainis to understand what the average Bahraini thinks of this matter. Respondents were 32 women and 18 men between the age of 17 to 63. The results show what they perceive to be the top three challenges for women in politics. The female respondents believe male dominance, social norms, and political corruption are the main obstacles women face while trying to reach high positions. Interestingly, male respondents listed religious influences, next to social norms and male dominance as their top three. Both men and women listed social norms as a main factor, but women focused on the current political situation in Bahrain, while men emphasized religion to be a key challenge. The respondents also listed gender inequality, discrimination against women, lack of support, and women’s lack of qualifications or interest in politics.</p>
<p style="text-align: justify;">Things took a different turn when Bahrain witnessed a popular uprising in February of 2011, where people demanded more freedoms and political reforms. The debate about women’s rights became no longer a priority on the agenda now that human rights in general are violated. In “Is There Hope For Equal Political Representation?” we are going to look at the consequences of the February 14 movement in Bahrain, and discuss possible solutions that could contribute to changing the future for women in politics in the country.</p>
<p><strong>Bibliography</strong></p>
<ol>
<li>Seikaly, M. (1994). Women and Social Change in Bahrain.<i> International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26</i> (3). pp. 415-426.  Retrieved from: <span style="color: #0000ff;"><a style="color: #0000ff;" href="http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&amp;aid=5199888&amp;fileId=S002074380006071">http://journals.cambridge.org/action/displayAbstract?fromPage=online&amp;aid=5199888&amp;fileId=S00207438000607</a></span></li>
</ol>
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<p><em><a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n.jpg"><img class="  wp-image-56 alignleft" src="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n-300x300.jpg" alt="10665696_10152608985965081_5119952854666166539_n" width="118" height="118" /></a></em></p>
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<p><em>Faten Bushehri is a Bahraini freelance journalist and rights advocate. <a href="http://globalvoicesonline.org" target="_blank">Global Voices</a> contributor and <a href="http://globalvoices.checkdesk.org" target="_blank">GV Check Desk</a> editor. Current MA student in media and politics. She tweets at <a href="https://twitter.com/Fatenhbu" target="_blank">@Fatenhbu</a>.</em></p>
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<p><em><a href="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/11328968_868673433198767_803920770_n-e1435158418214.jpg"><img class="  wp-image-57  alignleft" src="http://www.thebahraindebate.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/11328968_868673433198767_803920770_n-e1435158418214-271x300.jpg" alt="" width="118" height="131" /></a></em></p>
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<p><em>Anne Koopman is a Dutch Freelance Journalist, currently pursuing MA in Journalism, Media and Globalisation with focus on media and politics. She tweets at <a href="https://twitter.com/koopman_anne" target="_blank">@koopman_anne</a>.</em></p>
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<p><em><strong>The views expressed in this article are the author&#8217;s own and do not reflect that of the Bahrain Debate&#8217;s organising body. </strong></em></p>
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